|
|
|
Last Updated: Mar 12, 2009 - 11:24:13 AM |
Between the first of the year and mid-March, 2009 the Mexican criminal
organization most commonly known as "Los Zetas" has been busy. Members
of this group have been linked to a death threat delivered to the
president of Guatemala, a grenade thrown into a bar in Pharr, Texas,
the death of a high-ranking military general in Cancun, and a fair
share of the organized crime-related deaths registered this year in
Mexico.
Many journalists and analysts who write about Los Zetas still refer to
this group as the enforcement branch of the Gulf Cartel. This was a
true description when the original 31 Special Forces soldiers abandoned
the Mexican military to protect a young, upcoming leader of the Gulf
Cartel, Osiel Cardenas Guillen. But today, the Zetas have evolved into
a separate entity with its own agenda. And it doesn't take orders from
the Gulf Cartel.
The original 31 "Zetas" saw to it that at least another 10 men were
trained. Members of Los Zetas, along with Cardenas, bribed, threatened
and cajoled local and state police to assist with that protection
detail. In most areas where the Gulf Cartel operated, local and state
police formed the outer rings of a four or five ring-deep security
detail for Cardenas and other top leaders of the Gulf Cartel. The Zetas
remained at the inner rings, providing close protection support, and
acting on the wishes of Cardenas and their leader, Arturo Guzman
Decenas, known as Z1, and the man for whom Los Zetas was named.
But that was in 2003, when the Mexican Defense Department separated out
Los Zetas as the most formidable death squad to have worked for
organized crime in Mexican history. At that time there were perhaps
some 300 members of Los Zetas: 30 or so original military deserters and
the men they trained. Across the landscape of Mexican organized crime,
no one could compete. These men were intelligence specialists and
experts with a number of different types of weapons and operational
tactics.
In many ways, these men innovated paramilitary tactics in use by
organized crime today. Many agree that these men raised the bar in the
Mexican criminal underworld, forcing Cardenas' rivals to find former
military soldiers of their own, just so they could compete.
Until Cardenas' extradition to the US, where he has awaited trial in
Houston, Texas since January, 2007, members of Los Zetas guarded the
Gulf Cartel's most important sections of turf, especially Nuevo Laredo,
where in 2005, many observed the initial escalation of violence that
has so many worried today.
But the dominance of Los Zetas couldn't last. Over time, many of the
original 31 have been killed, and a number of younger, ambitious men
have filled the vacuum, forming something that resembles what Los Zetas
used to be, but still very far from the professionalism and efficient
style of the original Zetas.
The term Los Zetas, some argue, has been turned into a brand name - a
calling card used to control businessmen and politicians deemed useful
to further the advances of either the Gulf Cartel, the new Zetas
Organization, or even smaller groups who have capitalized on the name
brand but have very little connection to the Gulf Cartel or the Zetas
Organization.
Los Zetas vs the Zetas Organization
"Most of the original Zetas are gone, but the legacy of the Zetas still
lives on," Jose Wall, Senior Special Agent with the Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives told ISN Security Watch. He added that
the current version of the Zetas carries a "more brutal mindset" and
apart from military and police deserters relies on a force of regular
guys who have very little training with no future and no job to speak
of.
Ralph Reyes, chief of Mexico and Central America division for Global
Enforcement at the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), echoed Wall's
sentiments. Reyes pointed out in a recent phone call that one of the
factors that has always separated the Zetas from other armed criminal
groups in Mexico is their willingness to engage in firefights.
That is partially why most of the original 31 Zetas are either in
custody or dead. What followed in their wake is called the Zetas
Organization by an intelligence officer in the US who focuses on
Mexican organized crime and spoke with ISN Security Watch, but asked
not to be named. The Zetas Organization, he agrees, is very powerful in
its own right and beholden to none, not even the current leaders of the
Gulf Cartel. Unlike Los Zetas of old, the Zetas Organization operates
more like a network comprised of isolated cells that all maintain
control over a certain slice of turf between the US/Mexico border from
El Paso east, moving south along Mexico's eastern coast, south through
Veracruz, and east through Tabasco, and into the Yucatan peninsula.
"Back in the PRI days, the rule of the game was different," Dr George
Grayson, a Latin American politics professor at The College of William
and Mary in Virginia, US and a senior associate at the Washington-based
think tank Center for Strategic and International Studies, told ISN
Security Watch. "Now the members of the Zetas are young and mean, and
they don't take orders from anyone."
The men and women who form part of this network likely number in the
thousands. They operate a range of illicit businesses from the regular
extortion of street vendors to charging other groups for passage
through their territory, to gun and drug smuggling, human smuggling,
kidnapping for ransom, money laundering and the operation of a vast
network of illegal businesses.
Surrounding this organization is a larger than life myth, a sort of
Zeta brand name that some criminals use just to scare their targets,
explains Howard Campbell, professor of anthropology at the University
of Texas at El Paso.
"The Zetas have become something of a myth like Poncho Villa," Campbell
said, adding, "their origins are obscure, and no one knows how many
there are."
The Zetas' Intelligence Networks
Part of what made Cardenas so powerful as an organized crime boss was
his ability to smooth talk people into working for him. Like everyone
else in his line of work, he didn't hesitate to offer bribes, but
unlike others, he was able to maintain a very well organized network of
individuals who serviced him and his Zetas with a constant flow of
information.
For a while, the Zetas were considered the best-informed paramilitary
force in Mexico. But once Cardenas left Mexico to face justice in
Houston, he took with him the connections to a large number of
individuals who spoke only to him, successfully ripping out a large
section of the Gulf Cartel's tightly woven intelligence network.
"Osiel's extradition broke up networks, and the Zetas now intimidate
rather than bribe," Bruce Bagley, chairman of the Department of
International Studies at the University of Miami told ISN Security
Watch.
One of the original Zetas, Heriberto Lazcano, aka "El Lazca," and
Cardenas' brother, Ezequiel Cardenas Guillen, aka "Tony Tormenta," took
over control of the Gulf Cartel in January 2007, and have been able to
keep the organization together until today, according to Ricardo
Ravelo, a Mexican journalist who has closely followed Mexican organized
crime for Mexican news weekly Proceso.
Yet they have not been able to rein in the growing network and name
that grew out of the time when Los Zetas were the most feared death
squad in Mexico.
The Gulf Cartel still maintains a robust intelligence network across
Mexico and deep into the US, especially in Houston and Dallas, and in
cities located across the southeast and well into the mid-Atlantic and
northeast, but it does not compete with the networks maintained by the
old guard of drug traffickers, and Cardenas' rivals like "El Chapo"
Guzman who has kept his decades' old networks in play.
Today, the Gulf Cartel relies more on intelligence gathered from a
broad group of less sophisticated sources, argues Grayson. "Street
vendors buy from the Zetas or they are killed," Grayson explained in a
recent phone call with ISN Security Watch.
"They operate a very well developed grass roots network," he added,
echoing a 31 December article published by Mexican daily El Universal.
Entitled, "Inside Los Zetas," the article explained how small-time shop
owners, men who stand on highway overpasses, and a regularly updated
list of local and state politicians and police officers all serve as
look outs and informants for the Zetas Organization.
Grayson also explained that the Zetas are not as focused on high-level,
federal politicians, preferring to keep close ties with local and state
officials. "If they do go after a high-level politician, it's only to
make sure they control him when he comes back to the state level to
become governor or something similar," Grayson said.
Crossing the Border
Nevertheless, the Zetas Organization remains a formidable criminal
faction, operating both in Mexico and, to an extent, inside the US.
Rumors of training camps continue to circulate, and there is proof that
this organization knows how to amass weaponry. In November 2008,
Mexican military soldiers seized from a Gulf Cartel safe house in the
Mexican border state of Tamaulipas the largest cache of weapons ever
discovered in Mexican history: over 500 firearms, including .50 caliber
Barrett sniper rifles, rocket and grenade launchers, assault rifles and
over a half-million rounds of ammunition.
At the time of the discovery, many analysts in the US considered the
cache as a bold statement of what the Gulf Cartel intends to do. Some
headlines even read that the Zetas "prepared for war."
Speculation about highly trained members of Los Zetas crossing the US
border to hunt down and kill civilian targets seemed to be confirmed
when a group of men dressed like a Phoenix police SWAT team entered a
house and killed a Jamaican drug trafficker in June 2008.
Police in Birmingham, Alabama, who responded to a multiple homicide in
a suburban apartment complex in August 2008, suspected Zeta involvement
in the death of a number of Mexican men, found with their throats cut.
Money and drugs in the apartment were not disturbed. Police in Georgia
suspected Zeta involvement when they discovered that a man had been
bound and tortured in the basement of a house near Atlanta.
Yet in none of these cases have authorities publically confirmed that
members of the original Zetas carried out these hits, often referred to
as "account adjustments" in Mexico. While it remains unlikely that
Mexican members of the Zetas Organization cross the border to maim and
kill rivals, there is strong evidence that connects Mexican organized
crime with a robust and widespread prison gang population in both
California and Texas.
The Barrio Azteca and Texas Syndicate prison gangs are most likely the
Zeta operatives inside the US. There may also be some links to the Mara
Salvatrucha (MS-13), as well as other, smaller groups. Yet these groups
are contractors, hired for one job, maybe two, explained the
intelligence officer. But there is little to no evidence to suggest
that these groups operate on some sort of retainer, or use the Zeta
name to spread fear inside the US.
Back in Mexico, however, the Zeta Organization has become more and more
of a headache, both for the Mexican government and for the
organizations' rivals.
During a conference call on 6 March with journalists, US Senator John
Cornyn said that the Gulf and the Sinaloa drug trafficking
organizations - including, presumably the Zetas Organization - could
together muster an army of some 100,000 guns. Compared to the 130,000
troops within Mexico's regular army, it appears that Mexican organized
crime is powerful enough to topple a nation, but Campbell, speaking to
the cyclic nature of Mexican organized crime warned against making such
assumptions.
"There's a system of cartel infiltration in the government for its own
benefit, and this system has been going on for 50 years," Campbell said.
"This short term, sensationalistic treatment [of Mexican drug
trafficking organizations] is not going to ruin the US or overthrow the
Mexican government.
Source:Ocnus.net 2009
Top of Page
|
|
|
|