There are many political and
military ramifications both of the facts themselves and the way they were
brought to light. However, one of the longer term effects is the impact of the
revelations on the nuclear non-proliferation regime in general and on the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in particular.
What did the new information reveal? that the installation that was destroyed
was a nuclear reactor, probably still under construction; that the reactor was
similar to the North Korean reactor at Yongbyon that produced plutonium
(subsequently used in an underground nuclear test explosion); and that Syria,
despite its NPT obligations, concealed the very existence as well as the
purpose of the installation and repeatedly denied the facts to the world and to
the IAEA.
Syria has been trying to buy a nuclear reactor from several sources for a long
time. It had sought to buy a research reactor from Argentina in the mid-1990's,
but this failed when Argentina's foreign minister told Syria that it would not
sell it a reactor unless Syria signed a peace treaty with Israel. Syria then
tried, unsuccessfully, to buy a reactor from Russia. Apparently, Syria then
concluded a secret deal with North Korea for the construction of a
Yongbyon-type reactor in Syria. The extent of the North Korean involvement is
not yet publicly known and is not that relevant, except for the fact that North
Korea acted in breach of its NPT obligations.
There can be little doubt as to the purpose of the ill-fated reactor. Had it
been intended for truly peaceful uses, it would have been declared to the IAEA.
In addition, Syria's repeated denials give credence to the claims that the
reactor was part of a clandestine weapons development program. Furthermore,
Syria acted with astounding speed, razed the stricken installation, and is
putting up a supposedly military installation on the old foundations, making it
almost impossible for any investigators to reveal the original purpose of the
site.
There are five members of the NPT that have seriously reneged on their treaty
obligations – Iraq, North Korea, Iran, Syria, and Libya. Iraq's project came to
an end as a result of the 1991 Gulf War. Libya agreed to a rollback, probably
as a result of the American invasion and toppling of Saddam Hussein in 2003.
The remaining three may still be conducting illegal activities aimed at
producing nuclear weapons. North Korea has long been suspected of having a
clandestine uranium enrichment project. Iran has an ongoing nuclear weapons
development program. And there is no guarantee that Syria is not going the same
route, given the rumors about the connection with the Pakistani scientist A. Q.
Khan, the biggest proliferator of all.
The nuclear non-proliferation regime suffered an
additional blow with the uncovering of Syria's misdeeds. The extent of the
damage will be only known over time, and the prospects for the future need a
much more elaborate discussion. In any case, if there will be no substantive
change in the manner of the oversight and the application of regime, and if the
NPT PrepCom and review conferences continue to become bogged down in secondary
issues, the situation can only deteriorate further.
The reaction of the IAEA to the information that came out
of the Congressional briefing was astounding. An Associated Press report quoted
the IAEA: "The Director General [DG] views the unilateral use of force by
Israel as undermining the due process of verification that is at the heart of
the non-proliferation regime." In addition, "The Director General
deplores the fact that this information was not provided to the Agency [by the
U.S.] in a timely manner, in accordance with the Agency's responsibilities
under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to enable it to verify its
veracity and establish the facts." With regard to these statements, it
should be noted first that verification is not a substitute for the demise of
the reactor, which removed the potential for and the danger of plutonium
production. Second, one should ask what would have actually happened had the
facts been verified by safeguard inspections? Given the historical precedents,
the IAEA DG would likely have deplored the fact that the reactor had not been
declared in a timely manner, accepted Syrian assurances that hitherto the
reactor would be safeguarded, and stated that Syria had the right to build and
operate a nuclear reactor, as long as it was safeguarded.
In any case, the IAEA could not have prevented the
continuing construction and later operation of the reactor, which would have
resulted in the potential for the production of plutonium, as was demonstrated
by this reactor's sibling – the Yongbyon reactor. It is easy to understand the
DG's wrath – he probably did not figure in any of the decision making process
prior to the bombing. At present, Syria signaled that it would be willing to
let the IAEA search for the truth. It is a "no win" situation for
Syria if the inspectors uncover the remains of a nuclear reactor. It is a
"lose" situation to the IAEA if it does not.
One cannot escape the conclusion that the IAEA has
continuously failed in its missions, notably in Iraq, Iran, and Syria. The IAEA
has set up an extensive organization, including a Division of Information,
which is really a Division of Intelligence, within its Department of
Safeguards. The Syrian episode clearly demonstrates that the division has
failed in its task. One does not need such a division if the DG states that he
has to rely on external information and chastises the Member States for not
providing the information in a timely manner.
This
may be an appropriate time for the Board of Governors (BOG) to contemplate a
much more thorough oversight of the operation of this organization. Given the
political realties, however, it is highly questionable whether the IAEA Board
of Governors will indeed do so.