Of course, Stalin and Putin used ideologies extensively for
propagandistic purposes and for the legitimization of their personal power. But
given the fact that they were concerned only about personal power, these two
leaders were extremely flexible and open to the idea of changing the country's
ideological course in any direction.
Though Putin respects Stalin as a great leader, he has
condemned Stalinist repression. For example, many took note of Putin's October visit
to Butovo, in the south of Moscow, where more than 20,000 people were killed
during the peak years of Stalin's terror in 1937 and 1938.
Another area where Putin differs from Stalin is his policy
toward Jews.
If Putin were a dogmatic leader, he would have included
anti-Semitism in his public ideology. Anti-Semitism was introduced as official
Soviet state ideology during Stalin's reign in the late 1930s. Jews were barred
from high positions in virtually all spheres. In the media, literature and
films, they were almost never shown in a positive light.
The open propaganda against Jews ran counter to Lenin's
heritage and internationalism. For this reason, the Soviet authorities replaced
the term "Jews" with "Zionists." Since Zionism was a
"legitimate" enemy of socialism, it was easy to carry out an
anti-Semitic campaign under the guise of the fight against this movement.
Soviet propaganda tended to describe Zionism as a greater evil than the United
States, suggesting that U.S. imperialism was merely a tool used by the Jews to
conquer the world. The anti-Zionist campaign continued until the last days of
the Soviet Union.
Traditional anti-Semitism, honed by Stalin over many years,
was seen by his successors as a fundamental element of the Russian psyche. In
Nikita Khrushchev's four-volume memoir, "Time, People, Power," he
wrote a lot about Stalin's anti-Semitism. He did not, however, risk even
indirectly mentioning Stalin's anti-Semitic policy in his public reports to the
Party congresses in 1956 and 1961, when he harshly denounced his former boss.
The same was true about Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. From
the beginning of glasnost to the end of his rule, he was almost never critical
of his predecessors' state policy toward Jews. Gorbachev continued to keep his
distance from any involvement in the "Jewish question" and did not
appoint Jews to any significant position in his administration, continuing the
old Party tradition.
When Putin came to power and declared his affinity for
certain elements of the Soviet empire and traditions, it was only natural to
expect a gradual restoration of state anti-Semitism. During the Soviet period,
there was a strong link between anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism, and Putin
started his harsh anti-U.S. campaign in earnest in 2005. Furthermore, Putin's
professional background strengthened the pessimistic expectations about the
revival of a state anti-Semitic policy; since the late 1930s, the KGB was
indeed a bastion of anti-Semitism.
But, contrary to what many expected, Putin has been very
supportive of Jewish issues and concerns. Hence, his so-called Jewish anomaly.
Taking into account all of Putin's publications, meetings and speeches since
2000, he has said more positive words about Jews than all the Russian leaders
before him except Lenin. In his memoir, Putin did something that no other
Russian or Soviet leader had done. With a high degree of warmth, he described a
Jewish family that shared a communal apartment with his family in Leningrad. He
talked about his Jewish wrestling coach, Anatoly Rakhlin, as a person who
"probably played a crucial role in my life." In a meeting with
Russia's chief rabbi in June 2007, he promised to donate a month's salary for
the construction of a Jewish museum of tolerance. Speaking in Krakow on Jan.
27, 2005, in connection with the 60th anniversary of the liberation of
Auschwitz, Putin urged other nations to consider the lessons learned from the
Holocaust and warned against anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia worldwide.
What's more, he also acknowledged the existence of
anti-Semitism in Russia -- a statement that none of the Soviet leaders after
Lenin dared to make. No Russian leader after 1945, including Gorbachev and
Boris Yeltsin, even indirectly mentioned the Holocaust. Such a reference was
forbidden in Soviet media. Moreover, Putin was also the first Russian leader to
visit Israel.
Anti-Semitism in Russia today is lower than it has been in
the past seven decades. Jews in Russia are much less inclined to hide their
ethnic origin or their interest in Jewish culture and religion. Although Jews
in Russia continue to feel some hostility, the government has never treated
Jews as well as they treat them today. In fact, state anti-Semitism -- as
opposed to popular anti-Semitism -- has almost completely disappeared from the
political scene. Jews or so-called half Jews hold a large number of prominent
positions in the state apparatus, including the government and leading state
corporations.
To be fair, however, Putin has not fully risen to the level
of a Western leader on the Jewish question with regard to one issue: Unlike
Western leaders, he did not openly take a position against the two most
outspoken anti-Semites of our time when he met them -- Malaysian Prime Minister
Mahathir Mohamad and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
In the end, Putin's refusal to incorporate anti-Semitism into
his domestic and foreign policy reveals his inordinate flexibility as a
politician, despite his poor record on democracy and human rights and as
supporter of several heinous regimes in the world.
At the same time, however, we can only speculate about
Putin's motivation on this Jewish issue. Putin's foreign policy combines deep
hostility toward the West with a willingness to maintain a bridge with the
United States and the European Union. His positive attitude toward Jews
represents another part of his dualism. By maintaining the image of a civilized
ruler, Putin enhances his connection with the West and keeps many opportunities
open for his future career.
If, however, the danger to Putin's elites from Russian
nationalists increases, Putin could very well play the Jewish card. In this
case, the Kremlin, without any compunction, could deprive its opponents of
their powerful weapon, anti-Semitism, and resort to moving the regime even
closer to that of Stalin. In any case, the West is dealing with a very flexible
and pragmatic Russian leader.